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Thursday, June 04, 2009

So That's What A Democratic Right Feels Like...

Right. Quick update - finished exams and hopefully will spend a bit more time on this. In the meantime, resignations, reshuffles and dodgy expenses have all happened at the most inconvenient time for Mr. Brown. The kicking he will get today will surely send his leadership of this country into the long grass. If he comes fourth behind UKIP in the European (Union) elections, then that must surely be that.

Speaking of which, I have just cast my first two votes. One in the local County Council elections and one in the Europeans. I hope that those who I voted for live up to their expectations.

It seems that due to the spontaneous combustion of Labour, we may well have a majority of eurosceptic parties in the British delegation to the European Parliament. Such parties would be in two groups - Independence and Democracy (UKIP) and the Movement for Democratic Change (Conservatives). If the BNP get one elected I don't think they would be welcome in either. If the other predominantly eurosceptic countries - Poland, Czech Republic, maybe Ireland, elect at least a rump of eurosceptic MEPs, we could have a real opposition in the EP. We are almost there with the current configuration of seats, but Ind-Dem is too small to get enough floor-speaking time and committee positions.

Anyway, my predictions for the European elections:
Conservatives - 36%
UKIP - 21%
Lib Dems - 20%
Labour - 18%
Others - 5%

Tuesday, April 21, 2009

A College Coup

Yesterday I received a fantastic e-mail from someone in charge about not hogging seats in exam term in the Library. Something about its language tells you this could only come from a Cambridge College:

3.    students who find a desk unused for more than 15 minutes are at liberty to stage a coup; but please leave the displaced books nearby;
All punctuated with exciting punctuation as well!

Thursday, April 16, 2009

Are CCTV Cameras To Be Encouraged In A Liberal Democracy?

We hear, largely from very Liberal parties, that Britain is becoming a police state due to the volume of CCTV cameras around. No-one is safe, they say, because the state can see where everyone is at any one time. State spying has no limits. But it is also interesting to ponder on the ways that CCTV has of strengthening a liberal democracy like our own. The principle of accountability is the way in which it does this.

CCTV helps to prevent abuses by organs of the state. In the G20 protests that recently happened in London, good hard evidence of police brutality is hard to come by. But the CCTV cameras caught a lot of the abuses, and will undoubtedly play a major part in any civil or criminal trial (although I think there was probably no criminal liability). So CCTV can increase scrutiny of the actions of the police as well as those of ordinary citizens.

CCTV can act as a deterrent for crime. If people know that they are likely to be caught on CCTV, then surely they will think twice about committing a crime in front of the camera? Also, CCTV is of use in both finding and prosecuting offenders, ensuring an effective criminal justice system.

Surely the sentiment that the innocent have nothing to hide is applicable here. If one does not get into trouble routinely, then why should one be worried if one is filmed walking along the High Street? The universality of CCTV, rather than being criticised because it treats upstanding and criminal citizens alike, should be celebrated precisely because no-one is above the law of CCTV. The difference is that some people do things they would not like to have on record, or on camera.

So rather than signalling the death-knell of democracy, an independent CCTV network can, I believe, strengthen our liberal democracy by providing greater accountability for all persons, be they police, criminals or the general public.

Friday, March 06, 2009

Why The Court Of Public Opinion Is A Bad Thing

In the heat of the discussion over the pension of Sir Fred Goodwin, Harriet Harman let slip this phrase:

"It might be enforceable in a court of law this contract, but it's not enforceable in the court of public opinion and that's where the government steps in."
It seems to me that this is a very worrying thing to say.
If Sir Fred's contract is formally valid, then presumably the only way that the Government could stop the pension is by an Act of Parliament. Parliament has the authority to do this; Dicey once famously said that the only thing Parliament could not do was bind its successors. The doctrine of Parliamentary Sovereignty is not under discussion here, indeed I would argue that Parliament has never been sovereign. But if Parliament were to do this, the legislation would probably have to be retrospective, that is, to outlaw something that has already happened. It has happened before, for example in the War Damage Act 1965.

But it is a dangerous path. If Parliament makes something illegal tomorrow retrospectively when it was committed today, then we live in uncertainty as to what is culpable conduct today. In short, the law becomes a mess, allowing Government to act arbitrarily, for example by passing a law saying anyone who went to a football match yesterday is guilty of an offence. Also, people need to know what the law is today so that they can make a conscious decision to act within or without the law. Retrospective action denies the autonomy of the individual to decide to act in a lawful or unlawful manner at the time. The principle of non-retrospectivity is therefore too important to tinker with even in isolated cases.

This is where the "court of public opinion" comes in. The justification that Labour are claiming for such grossly unconstitutional action is that the public demands, so the government must act. So the Government feel required to act contrary to established principles of good law for the sake of public approval. Such an idea is dangerous and should not take root in government. We have ideas as to what makes good law for a reason, and it is precisely so that a government cannot act arbitrarily or retrospectively on a whim.

Please can we hear no more of this court of public opinion? It's not worth sacrificing our Constitutional principles for the sake of approval ratings.

Tuesday, January 06, 2009

The Character Of Law

Every so often, I seem to think of something that I'm interested in, often completely independent from the world's news, that I write as an article on this site. This is one of those cases, although it could also be accurately described as an attempt to avoid doing any work on the Roman law of contract.

Law, in order to serve its purpose of regulating behaviour in society by laying down certain moral standards, must have certain characteristics. These will be commented on below

Law must be fair. This is concerned with procedural fairness, so that the law does not have different rules for different people depending on their status, for example. There must not be arbitrary discrimination, as recognised by the House of Lords in A v Secretary of State for the Home Department [2005] 2 AC 68. Here, they held that holding foreign nationals without trial could not be justified on grounds of preventing terrorism, as British citizens would not be subject to the same laws even if they posed a greater terrorist threat. Dicey used the words "all are equal before the law."

Law must be just. This is to be distinguished from fairness in that fairness ensures procedural fairness, but justice is concerned with the outcome of the case. Procedural fairness means that a law is correctly applied, but an unjust law could be applied fairly, but still be unjust. The same rules regarding procedural fairness should be applied to the substantive law as well as the application of it, so that law should not introduce arbitrary discrimination. But there is no mechanism, apart from Parliament, to ensure just laws are passed. In theory, the judiciary has to interpret the Acts of Parliament consistently with the will of Parliament. But it is possible that the judiciary could use its interpretative power to put a just interpretation on an unjust statute, thus correcting the injustice. Various senior judges have said this is a possibility.

Law must be clear. By this it is meant that it must be easily accessible, non-retrospective and no duplication of offences. The first two are well-established principles, as it is obvious that the law must be understandable and criminalising acts retrospectively falls foul of the idea of a just legal system. The third one, is in my view, the most interesting.

To take an example, the Sexual Offences Act 2003 made a raft of new criminal offences, from rape downwards. But so many of these offences overlap, so the same facts could be charged to many offences, all of comparable seriousness. Let us take the facts of R v G [2008] UKHL 37, where a 15 year old boy had consensual sex with a 12 year old girl. The girl had told the boy she was 15. The boy was convicted under section 5, rape of a child under 13 [max life]. But he could also have been charged and convicted on these facts under section 6 (assault of a child under 13 by penetration [max life]) or section 8 (causing or inciting a child under 13 to engage in sexual activity [max life]). By far the broadest crime is the last one, but note that they all carry the same maximum penalty, life imprisonment. As the other two crimes are subsets of the third crime, I propose to repeal s.5 and s.6, as they are surplus to requirements. Any facts falling into these cases can just as well be charged under s.8, without any defendants getting off scot free. I propose that the higher states of fault required for the s.5 and s.6 crimes be taken into account when sentencing, but proved during the trial.

To summarise, law must be clear, fair and just. Clearness leads to simplicity, which is the major flaw with legislation passed over the last 15 years. I hope that there is a reevaluation of law as a simple and clear moral code, applied by principles of fairness, to lead to a just substantive result.